Clarendon—Cowley—Buol-Schauenstein—Hubner—A. Walewski—Bourqueney—Manteuffel—C.M.D'Hatzfeldt—Orloff—Brunnow—C. Cavour—De Villa Marina—Aali—Mehemmed Djemil.

An additional article of the same date provides for the temporary use of the Straits of the Dardanelles for the purpose of removing troops, &c.

CONVENTIONS ANNEXED TO THE PRECEDING TREATY.

I. — Convention between Her Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of Sardinia, on the one part, and, the Sultan on the other part, respecting the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus. (Signed at Paris, March 30, 1856. Ratifications exchanged at Paris, April 27, 1856.)

In the Name of Almighty God !

Art. 1 His Majesty the Sultan, on the one part, declares that he is firmly resolved to maintain for the future the principle invariably established as the ancient rule of his empire, and in virtue of which it has at all times been prohibited for the ships of war of foreign powers to enter the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Bosphorus, and that, so long as the Porte is at peace, his Majesty will admit no foreign ship of war into the said Straits. And their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, the King of Prussia, the Emperor of All the Russias, and the King of Sardinia, on the other part, to respect this determination of the Sultan, and to conform themselves to the principle above declared.

2. The Sultan reserves to himself, as in past times, to deliver firmans of passage for light vessels under flag of war, which shall be employed as is usual in the service of the missions of foreign powers.

3. The same exception applies to the light vessels under flag of war, which each of the contracting powers is authorised to station at the mouths of the Danube, in order to secure the execution of the regulations relative to the liberty of that river, and the number of which is not to exceed two for each power.

4. The present convention, annexed to the general treaty signed at Paris this day, shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of four weeks, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Paris, the 30th day of the month of March, in the year 1856.

Clarendon—Cowley—Buol-Schauenstein—Hubner—A. Walewski—Bourqueney—Manteuffel—C.M.D'Hatzfeldt—Orloff—Brunnow—C. Cavour—De Villa Marina—Aali—Mehemmed Djemil.

II.—Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan, Limiting their Naval Force in the Black Sea. (Signed at Paris, March 30. Ratifications exchanged at Paris, April 27, 1856.)

In the Name of Almighty God !

Art. 1. The high contracting parties mutually engage not to have in the Black Sea any other vessels of war than those of which the number, the force, and the dimensions are herein-after stipulated.

2. The high contracting parties reserve to themselves each to maintain in that sea six steam vessels of fifty metres in length at the line of floatation, of a tonnage of 800 tons at the maximum, and four light steam or sailing vessels of a tonnage which shall not exceed 200 tons each.

3. The present convention, annexed to the general treaty signed at Paris this day, shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of four weeks, or sooner if possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Paris, the 13th day of the month of March, in the year 1856.

Orloff—Brunnow—Aali—Mehemmed Djemil.

III.—Convention between Her Majesty, the Emperor of the French, and the Emperor of Russia, respecting the Aland

Islands. (Signed at Paris, March 30, 1856.— Ratifications exchanged at Paris, April 27, 1856.)

In the name of Almighty God !

Art. 1. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Bussias, in order to respond to the desire which has been expressed to him by their Majesties the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Emperor of the French, declares that the Aland Islands shall not be fortified, and that no military or naval establishment shall be maintained or created there.

2. The present convention, annexed to the general treaty signed at Paris this day, shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of four weeks, or sooner, if possible.

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

Done at Paris the 30th day of the month of March, in the year 1856.

Clarendon—Cowley—A. Walewski—Bourqueney—Orloff—Brunnow

DECLARATION RESPECTING MARITIME LAW.

Signed by the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia, and Turkey, assembled in Congress at Paris, April 16, 1856:—

The Plenipotentiaries who signed the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of March, 1856, assembled in conference, — Considering that maritime law, in time of war, has long been the subject of deplorable disputes; that the uncertainty of the law and of the duties of such a matter gives rise to differences of opinion between neutrals and belligerents which may occasion serious difficulties, and even conflicts ; that it is consequently advantageous to establish a uniform doctrine on so important a point; that the Plenipotentiaries assembled in congress at Paris cannot better respond to the intentions by which their governments are animated than by seeking to introduce into international relations fixed principles in this respect; the above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries, being duly authorised, resolved to concert among themselves as to the means of attaining this object; and, having come to an agreement, have adopted the following solemn declaration :—

1. Privateering is, and remains, abolished.

2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war.

3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under an enemy's flag.

4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective —that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.

The Governments of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries engage to bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the States which have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to invite them to accede to it.

Convinced that the maxims which they now proclaim cannot but be received with gratitude by the whole world, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries doubt not that the efforts of their Governments to obtain the general adoption thereof will be crowned with full success.

The present declaration is not and shall not be binding, except between those Powers who have acceded, or shall accede, to it.

Done at Paris, the 16th of April, 1856.

Clarendon—Cowley—Buol-Schauenstein—Hubner—A. Walewski—Bourqueney—Manteuffel—C.M.D'Hatzfeldt—Orloff—Brunnow—C. Cavour—De Villa Marina—Aali—Mehemmed Djemil.

THE PROTOCOLS OF THE CONFERENCES.

These official records of the proceedings are of enormous length, occupying between twelve and thirteen ordinary newspaper columns. A brief abridgment will, however, in most cases, convey all that is interesting to the reader. But what has been done to the arsenals of Nicolaieff, and other places, and the important conversation which took place respecting the state of Italy and other European countries, we give in full:

Protocol No. 1, Feb. 25.—The first meeting took place on the 25th of February, at the Hotel of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Paris. All the Plenipotentiaries were present. Count Buol proposed that Count Walewski should be president (a course not only sanctioned by precedent, but an "act of homage to the sovereign whose hospitality they were at that time enjoying.") This proposition was unanimously adopted. Count Walewski made a short speech, advising a conciliatory spirit. M. Benedetti was appointed to draw up the protocols, and was then introduced. The protocol containing the Austrian propositions was adopted and signed as containing preliminaries of peace. An armistice was then concluded, and the meeting separated.

Protocol No. 2, Feb. 28.—It was mutually announced that orders had been given to suspend hostilities. The first point of interest was the objection of Baron Brunnow to the word " Protectorate" (in the Austrian proposition) at describing the relations of Russia with the Principalities. Count Buol remarked that the protectorate existed in fact, if the word itself was not in the diplomatic stipulations with Turkey; that the term used was in effect that of " guarantee," but that it was important to find a form of expression calculated to show clearly that an end would be put to this exclusive guarantee. Aali Pasha remarked that the word "protectorate" was employed in diplomatic documents, and specifically in the Organic Statute of the Principalities. After this discussion, the Plenipotentiaries agreed that the question of the administration of the Principalities and the navigation of the Danube should be referred to a commission. In the course of this day's debate, Count Orloff remarked that Prussia should be invited to take part in the negociation until the principal clauses of the General Treaty should be settled. On the point relative to the Christians in Turkey being alluded to, Count Orloff asked what were the intentions of Turkey with regard to it, stating that he thought the subject should appear in the general treaty. Aali Pasha stated that a new hatti-aherif has renewed the religious privileges granted to the non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte, and prescribed new reforms.

Protocol No. 3, March 1.—This sitting was devoted to the settlement of the 5th point. Count Walewski demanded in the name of the Allies that there should be no naval or military establishment on the Aland Islands. Count Orloff agreed to the demand. Count Walewski then demanded that the state of Territories to the east of the Black Sea should be specially inquired into. After a short conversation, in which all agreed as to the utility of verifying the Asiatic boundaries of Russia and Turkey, it was agreed that a mixed commission should be sent to the spot. The question of rebuilding the Russian forts on the east coast of the Black Sea was mentioned, but nothing definite was decided. Count Walewski demanded that Kars should be restored. Count Orloff, after a few remarks, claiming credit for Russian concessions on the fifth point, assented to the restitution.

Protocol No. 4, March 4,—The mixed commission to "verify, and if necessary to rectify," the Asiatic frontier, was nominated. The Conference then came to the " neutralisation of the Black Sea," and here we follow the words of the official documents. " The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain states that Russia possesses at Nicolaieff an arsenal of the first class for maritime works, the maintenance of which would be in contradiction to the principles on which the paragraph of which the congress has just settled the terms is founded. The arsenal not being situated on the shores of the Black Sea. Lord Clarendon does not mean to assert that Russia is bound to destroy the ship-building yards which exist there, but he remarks that public opinion would be authorized in attributing to Russia intentions which she cannot entertain, if Nicolaieff were to retain, as a centre for all maritime works, the importance which it has acquired.—The first Plenipoteniary of Russia replies that the Emperor, his august master, on acceding with sincerity to the propositions of peace, firmly resolved strictly to carry out all the engagements resulting from them ; but that Nicolaieff, being situated far from the shore of the Black Sea, respect for her dignity would not permit Russia to allow a principle solely applicable to the coast to be extended to the interior of the empire; that the security of and watching over the coasts required, moreover, that Russia should have, as had been admitted, a certain number of light vessels in the Black Sea, and that if she consented to give up the ship-building yards of Nicolaieff she would be compelled to establish others in some other point of her southern possessions; that, in order at once to provide for his arrangement of the naval service, the Emperor intends only to authorise the construction at Nicolaieff of the vessels of war mentioned in the bases of the negotation. —The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, and, after him, the other Plenipotentiaries, consider this declaration satisfactory.—The Earl of Clarendon inquires of the Plenipotentiary of Russia whether he agrees to the insertion of this declaration in the protocol. After having replied in the affirmative, Count Orloff adds that, in order to prove the sincerity of his intentions, the Emperor has instructed him to demand a free passage through the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles for the two ships of the line which alone are now at Nicolaieff, and which would have to proceed to the Baltic as soon as peace was conclude."—The authorization of the residence of foreign consuls in the Black Sea ports, and the convention given above, were then determined upon.

Protocol No. 5, March 6.—" The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain (we again follow the official words) inquires of the Plenipotentiaries of Russia whether the declaration made by Count Orloff in the preceding sitting, on the subject of Nicolaieff, applies equally to Cherson and to the Sea of Azoff." " The first Plenipotentiary of Russia replies that, like Nicolaieff, the Sea of Azoff cannot be included under the direct application of the principle accepted by Russia; that, on the other hand, it is indubitable that large vessels cannot navigate that sea; he abides, however, by the assurance to which the Earl of Clarendon has referred, and he repeats that Russia being desirous of acting wholly in comformity with the engagements which she has contracted, will not build, anywhere on the shores of the Slack 8ea, or in its tributaries, or in the waters which are dependent on it, any ships of war other than those which Russia will maintain in the Slack Sea, according to the terms of her convention with Turkey." The rest of the sitting was devoted to discussions as to the commissions to be appointed to regulate the navigation of the Danube.

Protocol No. 6, March 8.—The question discussed is the rectification of the Bessarabian frontier between Russia and Turkey. Baron Brunnow reads a memorandum tending to prove that the character of the localities, and the direction of the roads of communication, do not admit of a direct line being drawn between the two extreme points indicated in the preliminaries of peace. He proposed another line to start from Waduli-Tsaki on the Pruth, follow the Val de Trajan, and terminate on the north of Lake Yalput. Russia would abandon the Islands of Delta, and raze the forts of Ismail and Kilia-nova. This proposition is combatted by the representatives of Austria, France, and Great Britain, as opposed to the spirit of the Austrian proposition. After a discussion, it is proposed to the Plenipotentiaries of Russia to settle the frontier by a line which, starting from the Pruth between Leova and Hush, would pass to the north of Lake Salayk, and terminate above Lake Albedies. The Russian Plenipotentiaries ask time to consider this proposition. The Congress then discuss the question of the government of the Principalities. Count Walewski advocates the union of the Principalities. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Baitain shares in and supports this opinion, relying especially on the utility and expediency of taking into serious consideration the wishes of the people, which it is always right, he adds, to take into account. The first Plenipotentiary of Turkey contests it. Aali Pasha maintains that the state of things to which it is proposed to put an end cannot be attributed to the separation of the two provinces; that some individuals, influenced by personal considerations, have propounded an opinion adverse to the existing state of things, but such certainly is not the opinion of the people. Count Buol, although not authorised to discuss a question which is not provided for in his instructions, agrees with the first Plenipotentiary of Turkey, that nothing could justify the union of the two Provinces; the people, he adds, have not been consulted. A discussion ensues, in which Count Cavour and Count Orloff express themselves in accord with Great Britain and France as to the union of the Principalities. A declaration is finally made by Aali Pasha that the Plenipotentiaries of Turkey are not authorised to pursue the discussion on this basis, and the Plenipotentiaries of Austria being themselves without instructions, the question is adjourned.

Protocol No. 7, March 10.—The frontier line in Bessarabia is again discussed. It is finally decided that the frontier shall start from the Black Sea, one kilometre to the east of Lake Bourna Sola, shall run perpendicularly to the Akerman road, follow this road as far as the Val de Trajan, pass to the south of Belgrada, ascend the Yalpuck river to the heights of Saratsika, and terminate at Kata-mori on the Pruth. A commission composed of engineers and surveyors, shall be charged with fixing in its details the line of the new frontier. Count Walewski then proposes that Prussia be invited to the Congress. The Congress assents. Lord Clarendon expresses his confidence that the Russian government will respect the graves of the Allied soldiers in the Crimea. Count Orloff readily states that measures will be taken to realise the wishes of the Allied Powers.

Protocol No. 8, March 12.—In mentioning that Russia and Turkey had concluded a convention as to the light vessels each should have in the Black Sea, Count Orloff remarked that Bussia was anxious that each should have, in addition, some vessels of small tonnage for the execution of the administrative and sanitary regulations of the ports. After a short discussion, Russia gives up this point. A conversation on the free navigation of the Danube concluded this sitting.

Protocol No. 9, March 14.—The question of the composition of the commission to regulate the government of the Principalities is discussed.

Protocol No. 10, March 18.—Several paragraphs of the treaty are read and agreed to.

Protocol No. 11, March 20.—The Plenipotentiaries of Prussia are introduced.

Protocol No. 12, March 22.—A committee is appointed to draw up the preamble of the treaty.

Protocol No. 13, March 24.—The articles recognising the recent hatti-sheriff of the Sultan are discussed.

Protocol No. 14, March 25.—Baron Brunnow proposes an alteration in the words recognising the hatti-sheriff. His version differs from that finally adopted by the use of the term "pledge" applied to the Turkish document. After a short conversation, the Russian plenipotentiaries withdraw their proposition. A conversation then ensues on the commercial relations of Turkey with the other Powers. After a lengthened discussion, the Plenipotentiaries unanimously recognise the necessity of revising the stipulations which regulate the commercial relations of the Porte with the other Powers, as well as the position of foreigners resident in Turkey; and they decide upon reporting in the protocol their wish that a deliberation should be opened at Constantinople, after the conclusion of peace, between the Porte and the representatives of the other contracting Powers, with the view of obtaining the two-fold object in such a way as to afford entire satisfaction to all legitimate interests. In reply to some remarks by Count Buol, on Montenegro, the Russian Plenipotentiaries state that their Government has no other relations with Montenegro than such as spring from the sympathies of the Montenegrins for Russia, and from the friendly dispositions of Russia towards those mountaineers.

Protocol No. 15, March 26.—Several paragraphs of the treaty up to 14 are read and adopted.

Protocol No. 16, March 27.—The articles up to article 30 are read and adopted.

Protocol No. 17, March 28.—The remaining articles are read and adopted.

Protocol No. 18, March 29.—The drafts of the treaty and the conventions are read and adopted.

Protocol No.19, March 30.—The armistice is prolonged. Lord Clarendon proposes that the Plenipotentaries should proceed to the Tuileries to inform the Emperor of the result ot their negotiations. The Congress adopts the proposition.

Protocol No. 20, April 2.—France and England declare that the blockade will be immediately raised.

Protocol No. 21, April 4.—The Plenipotentiaries of Russia announce that they are authorised to state that the prohibitive measures, adopted during the war for closing the Russian ports to commerce of exportation, are about to be revoked. In consequence of this declaration, and in conformity with the resolution which it adopted at its preceding sitting, the Congress determines that an armistice by sea is concluded between France, Great Britain, Sardinia, and Turkey, on the one part, and Russia on the other, and that prizes made subsequently to the signature of Peace shall be restored. It is consequently agreed that orders shall be given for the immediate raising of the existing blockades, and that the measures adopted in Russia during the war, against the export of Russian produce, and especially of grain, shall be revoked without delay.

Protocol No. 22, April 8.—Some miscellaneous business was transacted, including some further arrangements respecting the Danubian Principalities. The congress then adopted, subject to some modifications, instructions of which M. le Baron Bourqueney presented the project. The commission not having yet been appointed, it was agreed by the congress that these instructions should not at present be made public. Count Walewski then brought before the conference the subject of the state of Italy and other countries:—" Count Walewski says that it is desirable that the Plenipotentiaries, before they separate, should interchange their ideas on different subjects which require to be settled, and which it might be advantageous to take up in order to prevent fresh complications. Although specially assembled for settling the Eastern question, the congress, according to the first Plenipotentiary of France, might reproach itself for not having taken advantage of the circumstance which brings together the representatives of the principal Powers of Europe, to clear up certain questions, to lay down certain principles, to express intentions, in fine to make certain declarations, always and solely with a view of insuring the future tranquillity of the world, by dispelling the clouds which are still looming on the political horizon, before they become menacing. It cannot be denied, he says, that Greece is in an abnormal state. The anarchy to which that country was a prey has compelled France and England to send troops to the Piraeus at a time when their armies, nevertheless, did not want occupation. The congress knows in what state Greece was; neither is it ignorant that that in which it now is is far from being satisfactory. Would it not therefore be advantageous that the Powers represented in the congress should manifest the wish to see the three protecting Courts take into serious consideration the deplorable situation of the kingdom which they have created, and devise means to make provision for it? Count Walewski does not doubt that the Earl of Clarendon will join with him in declaring that the two Governments await with impatience the time when they shall be at liberty to terminate an occupation to which nevertheless they are unable, without the most serious inconveniences, to put an end, so long as real modifications shall not be introduced into the state of things in Greece. The first Plenipotentiary of France then observes that the Pontifical States are equally in an abnormal state; that the necessity for not leaving the country to anarchy had decided France as well as Austria to comply with the demand of the Holy See, by causing Rome to be occupied by her troops while the Austrian troops occupied the Legations. He states that France had a twofold motive for complying without hesitation with the demand of the Holy See—as a Catholic Power and as an European Power. The title of eldest son of the Church, which is the boast of the sovereign of France, makes it a duty for the Emperor to afford aid and support to the Sovereign Pontiff; the tranquillity of the Roman States' and that of the whole of Italy affects too closely the maintenance of social order in Europe, for France not to have an overbearing interest in securing it by all the means in her power. But, on the other hand, it is impossible to overlook the abnormal condition of a Power which, in order to maintain itself, requires to be supported by foreign troops. Count Walewski does not hesitate to declare, and he trusts that Count Buol will join in the declaration, that not only is France ready to withdraw her troops, but that she earnestly desires to recall them so soon as that can can be done without inconvenience as regards the internal tranquillity of the country and the authority of the Pontifical Government, in the prosperity of which the Emperor, his august Sovereign, takes the most lively interest. The first Plenipotentiary of France represents how desirable it is for the balance of power in Europe that the Roman government should be consolidated in sufficient strength for the French and Austrian troops to be able, without inconvenience, to evacuate the Pontifical States, and he considers that a wish expressed in this sense might not be without advantage. In and case he does not doubt that the assurances which might be given by France and Austria as to their real intentions in this respect would have a salutary influence. Following up the same order of ideas, Count Walewski asks himself if it is not to be desired that certain governments of the Italian peninsula, by well-devised acts of clemency, and by rallying to themselves minds gone astray and not perverted, should put an end to a system which is directly opposed to its object, and which, instead of reaching the enemies of public order, has the effect of weakening the governments, and of furnishing partisans to popular faction. In his opinion it would render a signal service to the government of the two Sicilies, as well as to the cause of order in the Italian peninsula, to enlighten that government as to the false course in which it is engaged. He is of opinion that warnings conceived in this sense, and proceeding from the Powers represented in the Congress, would be the better received by the Neapolitan government, as that government could not doubt the motives which dictated them. The first Plenipotentiary of France then says that he must call the attention of the Congress to a subject which, although more particularly affecting France, is not the less of great interest for all the Powers of Europe. He considers it superfluous to state that there are every day printed in Belgium publications the most insulting, the most hostile against France and her government; that revolt and assassination are openly advocated in them; he remarks that quite recently Belgian newspapers have ventured to extol the society called " La Marianne," the tendencies and objects of which are known; that all these publications are so many implements of war directed against the repose and tranquillity of France by the enemies of social order, who, relying on the impunity which they find under the shelter of the Belgian legislation, retain the hope of eventually realising their culpable designs. Count Walewski declares that the intention and sole desire of the government of the empire is to maintain the best relations with Belgium; he readily adds that France has reason to be satisfied with the Belgian government, and with its efforts to mitigate a state of things which it is unable to alter, its legislation not allowing it either to restrain the excesses of the press, or to take the initiative in a reform which has become absolutely indispensable. We should regret, he says, to be obliged to make Belgium comprehend the strict necessity for modifying a legislation which does not allow its government to fulfil the first of international duties, that of not assailing, or allowing to be assailed, the internal tranquillity of the neighbouring States. Representations addressed by the stronger to the less strong have too much the appearance of menace, and that is what we desire to avoid. But if the representatives of the great Powers of Europe, viewing in the same light with ourselves this necessity, should find it useful to express their opinion in this respect, it is more than probable that the Belgian Government, relying upon all reasonable persons in Belgium, would be able to put an end to a state of things which cannot fail, sooner or later, to give rise to difficulties, and even real dangers, which it is the interest of Belgium to avert beforehand. Count Walewski proposes to the Conference to conclude its work by a declaration which would constitute a remarkable advance in international law, and which would be received by the whole world with a sentiment of lively gratitude. The Congress of Westphalia, he adds, sanctioned liberty of conscience; the Congress of Vienna, the abolition of the slave trade and the freedom of the navigation of rivers. It would be truly worthy of the Congress of Paris to lay down the basis of an uniform maritime law in time of war as regards neutrals. The four following principles would completely effect that object:—1. The abolition of privateering; 2. The neutral flag covers enemies' goods, except contraband of war; 3. Neutral goods, except contraband of war, are not liable to capture, even under enemies' flags; 4. Blockades are not binding except in so far as they are effective. This would indeed be a glorious result, to which none of us could be indifferent.

The Earl of Clarendon, sharing in the opinions expressed by Count Walewski, declares that, like France, England proposes to recall the troops which she was obliged to send to Greece, so soon as she shall be able to do so without inconvenience to the public tranquillity; but that it is necessary, in the first instance, to provide solid guarantee for the maintenance of a satisfactory state of things. According to him, the protecting Powers may agree among themselves upon the remedy which it is indispensable to supply to a system injurious to the country, and which has together departed from the object which they had proposed to themselves when establishing there an independent monarchy, for the well-being and the prosperity of the Greek people. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain remarks that the treaty of March 30 opens a new era; that, as the Emperor had said to the Congress on receiving it after the signature of the treaty, this era is that of peace; but, in order to be consistent, nothing should be omitted to render that peace solid and lasting: that, representing the principal Powers of Europe, the Congress would fail in its duty if, on separating, it sanction by its silence a state of things which is injurious to the political equilibrium, and which is far from securing peace from all danger in one of the most interesting countries of Europe. We have just provided, continues the Earl of Clarendon, for the evacuation of the different territories occupied by foreign armies during the war; we have just taken the solemn engagement to effect the evacuation within the shortest period ; how would it be possible for us not seriously to advert to occupations which took place before the war, and to abstain from devising means for putting an end to them? The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain does not consider it of any use to inquire as to the causes which have brought in foreign armies upon various points of Italy, but he considers that, even admitting that those causes were legitimate, it is not the less true, he says, that the result is an abnormal and irregular state of things which can be justified only by extreme necessity, and which shall come to an end as soon as that necessity is no longer imperiously felt; that nevertheless, if endeavours are not made to put an end to that necessity, it will continue to exist; that if we are content to depend upon the armed force instead of seeking to apply a remedy to the just causes of discontent, it is certain that a system little honourable for the governments, and lamentable for the people, will be perpetuated. He conceives that the administration of the Roman States presents inconveniences from whence dangers may arise which the Congress has the right to attempt to avert; that to neglect them would be to run the risk of labouring for the benefit of the revolution. The problem, which it is a matter of urgency to solve, consists, he conceives, in combining the retreat of the foreign troops with the maintenance of tranquillity, and the solution depends on the organisation of an administration which, by reviving confidence, would render the government independent of foreign support: that support never succeeding in maintain a government to which the public sentiment is hostile, and there would result from it, in his opinion, a part which France and Austria would not wish their armies to perform. For the well-being of the Pontifical States, as also for the interest of tho Pope, it would, therefore, in his opinion, be advantageous to recommend the secularism of the government, and the organisation of an administrative systen in harmony with the spirit of the age, and having for its object the happiness of the people. He admits that this reform might perhaps offer in Rome itself at the present moment certain difficulties; but he thinks that it might easily be accomplished in the Legations. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain observes that for the last eight years Bologna has been in a state of siege, and that the rural districts are harassed by brigands; it may be hoped, he thinks, that by establishing in this part of the Roman States an administrative and judicial system, at once secular and distinct, and by organising there a national armed force, security and confidence would rapidly be restored, and the Austrian troops might shortly withdraw without having to apprehend the return of fresh troubles; it is at least an experiment which, in his opinion, ought to be attempted, and this remedy proposed for indisputable evils ought to be submitted by the congress to the serious consideration of the Pope. As regards the Neapolitan Government, the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain is desirous of imitating the example given him by Count Walewski, by passing over in silence acts which have obtained such grievous notoriety. He is of opinion that it must doubtless be admitted in principle that no government has the right to interfere in the internal affairs of other states, but he considers there are cases in which the exception to this rule becomes equally a right and a duty. The Neapolitan Government seems to him to have conferred this right, and to have imposed this duty upon Europe; and as the governments represented in the Congress are all equally desirous to support the monarchical principle, and to repel revolution, it is a duty to lift up the voice against a system which keeps up revolutionary ferment among the masses instead of seeking to moderate it. " We do not wish," he says, " that peace should be disturbed, and there is no peace without justice; we ought, then, to make known to the King of Naples the wish of the Congress for the amelioration of his system of government—a wish which cannot remain without effect—and require of him an amnesty in favour of the persons who have been condemned or imprisoned without trial for political offences." As regards the observations offered by Count Walewski on the excesses of the Belgian press, and the dangers which result therefrom for the adjoining countries, the Plenipotentiaries of England admit their importance; out as the representatives of a country in which a free and independent press is, so to say, one of the fundamental institutions, they cannot associate themselves to measures of coercion against the press of another state. The first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, while deploring the violence in which certain organs of the Belgian press indulge, does not hesitate to declare that the authors of the execrable doctrines to which Count Walewski alludes, the men who preach assasination as the means of attaining a political object are undeserving of the protection which guarantees to the press its liberty and its independence. In concluding, the Earl of Clarendon observes that, like France, England at the commencement of the war sought by every means to mitigate its effects, and that with this view she renounced, for the benefit of neutrals during the struggle which has now come to an end, principles which up to that time she had invariably maintained. He adds, that England is disposed to renounce them definitively, providing that privateering is equally abolished forever; that privateering is nothing else than an organised and legal piracy, and that privateers are one of the greatest scourges of war; and our,condition of civilisation and humanity requires that an end should be put to a system which is no longer suitable to the present day. If the whole of the Congress were to adopt the proposition of Count Walewski, it should be well understood that it would only be binding in regard to the Powers who may accede to it, and that it would not be appealed to by governments who may refuse their accession.

Count Orloff observes that the powers with which he is furnished having for their sole object the restoration of peace, he does not consider himself authorised to take part in a discussion which his instructions had not provided for.

Count Buol congratulates himself on seeing the governments of France and England disposed to put an end, as speedily as possible, to the occupation of Greece. Austria, he gives the assurance, wishes most sincerely for the prosperity of that kingdom, and is equally desirous with France that all the States of Europe should enjoy, under the protection of public law, their political independence and complete prosperity. He does not doubt that one of the essential conditions of so desirable a state of things exists in the wisdom of a legislation so combined as to prevent or repress the excesses of the press which Count Walewski, with so much reason, has blamed, when speaking of a neighbouring State, and the repression of which must be considered as a European necessity. He hopes that in all the States of the Continent where the press present the same dangers, the Governments will be able to find in their legislation the means of restraining it within proper limits, and that they will thus be enabled to secure peace against fresh international complications. As regards the principles of maritime law which the first Plenipotentiary of France has proposed for adoption, Count Buol declares that he appreciates their spirit and bearing, but that not being authorised by his instructions to express an opinion, upon a matter of such importance, he must, for the time, confine himself to announcing to the Congress that he is prepared to request the orders of his Sovereign. But here, he says, his task must end. It would be impossible for him, indeed, to discuss the internal situation of independent States, which are not represented at the Congress. The Plenipotentiaries have received no other commission than to apply themselves to the affairs of the Levant, and they have not been convened for the purpose of making known to independent Sovereigns wishes in regard to internal organisation of their States ; the full powers deposited among the acts of Congress proved this. The instructions of the Austrian Plenipotentiaries, at all events, having defined the object of the mission which has been intrusted to them, they would not be at liberty to take part in a discussion which those instructions have not anticipated. For the same reasons, Count Buol conceives that he must abstain from entering into the order of ideas adverted to by the first Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, and from giving explanations upon the duration of the occupation of the Roman States by the Austrian troops, although adhering completely to the words uttered by the first Plenipotentiary of France on this subject.

Count Walewski observes that there is no question either of adopting definitive resolutions, or of entering into engagements, still less of interfering directly with the internal affairs of the governments represented or not represented at the Congress, but merely of consolidating, of completing the work of peace, by taking into serious consideration beforehand the fresh complication which might arise, either from the indefinite and unjustifiable prolongation of certain foreign occupations, or from a turbulent licentiousness, at variance with international duties.

Baron Hubner replies that the Plenipotentiaries of Austria are not authorised either to give an assurance or to express wishes; the reduction of the Austrian army in the Legations sufficiently shows, in his opinion, that the Imperial Cabinet intends to withdraw its troops as soon as such a measure shall be considered opportune.